Wednesday, March 20, 2019

The functioning aspect: Cannabis bill a valuable test for how new Senate could work

Bloggers note: I LOVE THE SENATE, Making a case to preserve and enhance the Senator's profiles, the constitutive role of the Senate and to showcase the work being done by this essential institution .. Canadians must understand the fundamental and essential role of the Senate The Senate – An EssentialHouse of Parliament http://www.revparl.ca/37/1/37n1e_14_kinsella.pdf Why is the Senate of Canada so essential?  https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/why-senate-canada-so-essential-alexis-david-fafard
Cannabis bill a valuable test for how new Senate could work    policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/february-2019/cannabis-bill-a-valuable-test-for-how-new-senate-could-work/

The government’s bill to legalize cannabis was sponsored in the Senate by an independent senator. Key lessons were learned in the process.

Although it is still early days in the reform of Canada’s Senate, the success of an independent senator and his colleagues in sponsoring the Cannabis Act (Bill C-45) legalizing cannabis shows that non-partisan action on legislation and institutional change in Ottawa are both possible. These are a few of the valuable lessons gleaned from the tumultuous period leading up to October 2018 when legal cannabis became the law of the land.
We share these lessons here to demonstrate that taking a position on major policies, including proposing amendments to government bills, does not have to be a partisan activity. Indeed, we learned that successful change often benefits from a non-partisan approach along with collaborative planning and strategy development, and continual communications.

That said, the Senate is a political institution and likely to remain so, given its important role in representing and accommodating divergent values, interests, concerns and needs in a diverse country. Yet there is considerable room for the Senate to evolve into a less partisan and more independent institution, a task that independent senators signed up for.
We will elaborate on those points, and on these key lessons from the experience: the value of continual communications and of sharing credible information; of addressing contentious issues; and of building collaborative relationships – all within the context of a modernized Senate.
But first, let’s review some context.
In March 2016, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made his first Senate appointments drawn from recommendations by an Independent Advisory Board, and signaling a disruption in the long-standing duopoly of Conservative and Liberal political party rule. (There are, of course, other senators of differing backgrounds.) The prime minister asked only that the independent appointees work hard to build a less partisan Senate.
The Trudeau reform initiative had been prompted in part by a Supreme Court of Canada (SCOC) decision concerning limits on Parliament’s ability to reform the Senate. Trudeau’s Conservative predecessor Stephen Harper had been keenly interested in an elected Senate and term limits, but the SCOC had warned that such reforms required Constitutional changes approved by Parliament, plus two-thirds of provincial legislatures representing at least 50 percent of the population. This meant immediate Senate reform must instead emerge from within the institution.
Trudeau had already taken early steps in reform when, as Liberal party leader, he essentially abolished the Liberal caucus in the Senate. His bold decision meant that, in a dramatic break from past experience, sponsorship of a major Liberal government bill in the Senate would no longer fall automatically to a member of the government caucus. (Trudeau’s decision led to initial bitterness, but some Liberal senators may have welcomed the freedom from constraints of caucus solidarity.)
Independent Sen. Tony Dean (co-author of this article), became sponsor of Bill C-45 in the Senate. Dean brought a policy perspective consistent with his role as an independent senator and with his previous career as a professional, non-partisan public servant. Essential to that was ensuring a deliberative approach was taken, with a thorough understanding of policy issues contained in the complex bill – including public health, social and justice policy. Statistics Canada estimated that Canadians spent $5.7 billion on cannabis in 2017, with 90 percent of that on illegal, non-prescription products.
The cannabis legislation was highly polarizing and politically contentious. Tough questions were raised in the Senate and ultimately, a number of significant amendments to the bill were proposed by senators, including independents. Legalization and regulation of cannabis had been a campaign promise by the Liberal party, which had won a large majority in the 2015 election and would soon face another national vote. Therefore, all political parties had a considerable interest in Bill C-45 as it arrived in the Senate. This intense political interest was reflected in a call by Conservative MP and party Leader Andrew Scheer for Conservative senators to block or delay Bill C-45. That call came at the time of a vote on second reading – a vote on principle held well before the bill had even been studied by senators.
While Bill C-45 was itself significant, we realized it also provided an opportunity to explore reforms to modernize the Senate’s culture, procedures and structure. In our work on the bill, we experimented with approaches that complemented the principles and purpose of the Independent Senators’ Group (ISG), as well as the vision of a modern Senate – one reflecting transparency, independence and collaboration. For example, we realized that early stakeholder engagement was important, as were communications strategies. We also advocated for structured Senate debates with timelines and themes, and engaged with interested parties outside of government as well as with regular Canadians.
All of this work on the Cannabis Act can be viewed through five lenses: policy, strategy, education and information sharing, communications, and relationship building.
Policy
The first step was to identify Bill C-45’s policy objectives. What need was the government addressing? What were key issues and challenges? What did the public, the medical and justice communities think? What impact might the legislation have on various jurisdictions, existing laws and the Constitution?
Then, given its scope and complexity, we divided the legislation for research and analysis purposes into four pillars:
  • health and consumption (users and impacts);
  • justice (consequences of consuming or selling outside the law; impacts of cannabis criminalization in society);
  • production (who could cultivate cannabis in what circumstances); and
  • distribution (who could sell cannabis in what circumstances).
This helped us to better understand the context for contentious issues. For example, we looked at consumption patterns when considering the age of legal access to cannabis, which some argued should be set at 25 years. Given that the largest number of Canadian users are 20 to 25 years old, establishing 25 as a minimum would tie a large number of users to illegal markets, where they can only guess about health issues such as potency and contaminants.
Strategy
Within days of Bill C-45 arriving in the Senate, our policy-based, information-led approach collided with hard-nosed opposition politics. We therefore needed a strategy to respond rapidly to changing debate and political maneuvering while staying focused on collaborative policy considerations combined with Senate modernization. Communications planning was quickly elevated from an afterthought to a daily priority.
Well before the bill arrived in the Senate, our office had been sharing generic information with all senators about the proposed legislation, including government materials used to explain the bill in the House of Commons, and details from an expert task force that contributed to its design. We also made our office research available to all senators. While this seemed obviously part of a more transparent and collaborative Senate, such information sharing was apparently rare and was met with considerable surprise.
Although the ISG does not take official collective positions on bills, smaller groups meet on common interests. For Bill C-45, ISG senators collectively developed some of our strategies, although opinions ranged from nervous/concerned/opposed, to those comfortable with cannabis legalization so long as they thought the policy and legislative prescription made sense.
Strategy and analysis meetings focused on controversial policy issues, such as home cultivation, age of legal access, the five-gram “allowance” for youth under 18, Indigenous concerns about community health and addictions, and public education. Rigorous and sometimes testy discussions were supported by input from medical experts, enforcement professionals and harm reduction specialists.
Team leads were developed with independent senators, aligned with key issues: one senator led discussions on Constitutional and federal-provincial jurisdiction; another led on Indigenous considerations; one prioritized mental health; another took on possession limits and home cultivation.
This collaboration among independent senators developed, in part, as a response to a highly effective and organized Conservative caucus. But it was also consistent with the group’s principles. The collaboration opened space for discussion within the ISG to identify shared objectives for amendments and observations, and promoted participation in committee and the chamber.
We also borrowed ideas, such as setting calendar deadlines for key Senate votes on Bill C-45. This came from a successful approach used by senators in the 2016 debates on the Medical Assistance in Dying legislation, part of an effort by independent senators (plus a handful of Liberal and Conservative reformers) to modernize outdated and often counter-productive Senate rules and processes that made little sense in a more independent, less partisan and inclusive Senate.
Education and Information Sharing
Sharing information and research among colleagues and staff was important to our success, as was helping senators organize their work based on evidence, and discerning what material was useful. Once policy objectives were identified and the bill divided into manageable pieces, we could pinpoint hot-button issues and understand where greater clarity and impartial information would be helpful for all senators, regardless of political affiliation.
Mail-outs to senators focused on contentious issues discussed in committee, in the chamber, and in the media. Short briefing notes, often demand-driven, were effective in responding to questions from senators. Our approach differed from more traditional practices, where controversy might have been minimized or downplayed in caucuses. Instead, we acknowledged contentious points, and organized information sessions and technical briefings where senators could also voice concerns. Trips to licensed cannabis production facilities were arranged so senators and staff could gain a tangible sense of legally produced and regulated cannabis.
Library of Parliament staff helped to develop a series of reliable and fact-checked research papers on key issues, and provided impartiality in a context in which government-sourced data was contested.
Communications
Communications strategies were partly informed by work from Paul Thomas of the University of Manitoba, who has highlighted the importance of communication, persuasion, enlisting support and negotiation as key elements in the legislative process.
Outreach targets included pro- and anti-cannabis reform groups, the law enforcement and medical communities, educators, members of the public and the media. Opinion columns were developed on key policies and social media platforms used to share thoughts on major issues. Subsequently, media coverage of the entire issue increased.
We found it was important to repeat that the key objective of Bill C-45 was to address important existing public health challenges, and that the legislation wouldn’t cause young people to start consuming cannabis. Rather, it was designed to address over-consumption by young Canadians.
We also responded easily to the Conservative leader’s call for his senators to delay or block the proposed legislation, characterizing that as an effort to frustrate careful consideration of signature government legislation by the chamber of sober second thought. This buttressed our case for organized, evidence-based debates on proposed legislation.
Relationship Building
From the outset, relationship building with key players was critically important. Those included ministers, political staff and senior public servants from lead departments, research staff in the Library of Parliament, academics, and mental health and harm-reduction professionals. Investing time to build trust and demonstrate integrity was crucial, as was mutual respect for each other’s institutional independence. These relationships gave our office direct lines of communication to obtain verified information in a timely manner – and proved to be especially important during committee hearings and debate in the Senate, particularly concerning contested policy objectives or data.
Even with solid relationships, boundaries must be respected. Senators and cabinet ministers have busy schedules and must manage multiple priority files simultaneously. Yet several ministers spoke to the Senate and to multiple Senate committees to an unprecedented extent concerning Bill C-45. At times, this unfortunately devolved into political theatre and in some cases created tension between the Senate and the government – a lesson perhaps for those who have joined the Senate more recently.
All of these lessons learned throughout the Bill C-45 process have emphasized the value of a more independent, non-partisan Senate. Such a body can continue the work of conducting substantive policy analysis and legislative development via transparent and effective legislative processes, with a view to obtaining the best possible outcomes for Canadians. We believe that such an outcome was obtained with the success of Bill C-45.
Senator Dean would like to thank Dr. Paul Thomas of the University of Manitoba for his review and commentary of this paper.
Photo: The Senate of Canada building and Senate Chamber are pictured in Ottawa on Feb. 18, 2019. The Senate will remain in what is Ottawa’s Old Train Station during the renovations of the Parliament Hill Centre Block. CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

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Friday, February 17, 2017

THE CANADIAN SENATE IN FOCUS 1867-2001

THE SENATE OF CANADA
Bloggers note: any links below will bring you to the original document.
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THE CANADIAN SENATE IN FOCUS1867-2001

Committees and Private Legislation DirectorateMay 2001



THE CANADIAN SENATE IN FOCUS 1867-2001
THE SENATE'S CONSTITUTIONAL POSITION
1. The System of Appointment to the Upper Chamber 2. The Constitutional Powers of the Upper Chamber 3. The Practical Powers of the Upper Chamber 4. Second Chambers in Other Democratic Federations 5. Constitutional Reform and the Senate
THE SENATORS
1. A Statistical Overview of Senate Membership since 1867 2. The Senate versus the House of Commons: Roles and Membership
CONCLUSION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX 1



"If the upper house agrees with the lower it is superfluous, if it disagrees, it ought to be abolished. " - Abbé E.J. Sieyès, 18th century French politician
"It is difficult to find a powerful, successful, free democratic constitution of a great sovereign state which has adopted the single Chamber government." - Sir Winston Churchill
Just a few years after the Fathers of Confederation had laboured to define what the nature and role of a second chamber for our new nation should be, the Senate became the target of public and political criticism. Prime Minister Mackenzie was frustrated with the Conservative majority in the Senate, which had defeated some important bills during his first administration. By 1893, Senate reform was included in the Liberal Party platform. Alternately accused of being a rubber stamp when it passes legislation quickly or of overstepping its mandate as an appointed body if substantive amendments are proposed or the power of veto is exercised, the Senate has never gained the reputation, and thereby position, its many achievements should have earned for it as an institution.
Questions on the role and usefulness of the Senate have persisted for more than a century and, along with them, arguments and proposals for Senate reform. The following review of the Senate, from both historical and current perspectives, will attempt to answer some of the questions, clarify some of the arguments and generally bring the Canadian Senate into reasonable focus.

THE SENATE'S CONSTITUTIONAL POSITION



"... in the Upper House, - the controlling and regulating, but not the initiating, branch - ... in the House which has the sober second-thought in legislation, it is provided that each of those great sections shall be represented equally" - Sir John A. Macdonald
 

1. The System of Appointment to the Upper Chamber
Of approximately 50 bicameral legislatures in the world, Canada's was designed to serve the distinct needs of this unique federation. The preamble of the Constitution Act 1867 sets out the decision of the federating provinces to adopt a constitution "similar in principle to that of the United Kingdom." Thus our two Houses of Parliament were patterned after those of Britain, with two intentional exceptions only: as a young country without an aristocracy, Canada's upper chamber could not be occupied by hereditary peers, but rather would house mature men (and, some time later, women) of diverse experience summoned by the Governor General on the recommendation of the Prime Minister; and secondly, the principal geographic regions of Canada would be represented equally. In the Commonwealth tradition, the Senate would primarily play a revising role, although its power was that of absolute veto. The lower chamber would be elected on the principle of representation by population.
The Constitution Act required that prospective senators be subjects of the Queen, be at least 30 years of age, have their permanent residence in the province (or, in the case of Quebec, one of its 24 senatorial divisions) for which they were appointed, and possess at least $4,000 in real property. The latter provision is of little consequence today, although it could serve to ensure that senators are solvent. In 1867, the property qualification permitted the Senate to represent a further "minority" beyond those of the regions: the propertied classes. Originally appointed for life, in 1965 the Constitution was amended so that senators appointed after that date would be required to retire at age 75.

The Fathers of Confederation chose not to apply the principle of equal provincial representation in the Senate due to Canada's singular situation whereby one of its largest and most populous provinces also embodied a cultural and linguistic minority in the country. To have given Quebec the same number of senators as other less populous provinces that do not have any significant minorities would have defrauded that province of the opportunity for its French-speaking minority voice to be heard.
The solution was found through weighing Senate representation to favour the less populous provinces. An equal number of appointments would be made to Canada's main regions which were, at the time of Confederation, Canada's two most populated provinces -- Ontario and Quebec, and the Maritime provinces - New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island. Both Ontario and Quebec would have 24 senators each, while New Brunswick and Nova Scotia would be represented by 10 senators each and Prince Edward Island by four. By 1867, Prince Edward Island chose not to enter into the Canadian union immediately, and New Brunswick and Nova Scotia were granted 12 senators each to match Ontario's and Quebec's 24, for an original Senate of 72 members. Eventually, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia would drop their membership back to 10 senators each to provide four seats to Prince Edward Island and 24 more senators would be appointed to represent the four Western provinces (six each). Thus the four main regions of Canada - the Western provinces, Ontario, Quebec and the Maritime provinces -- are equally represented with 24 senators each. The balance was somewhat skewed when Newfoundland became a Province of Canada in 1949 and six more (maritime) senators were appointed. The Yukon and Northwest Territories were each granted one Senate representative in 1976 and Nunavut received a representative in 1999, for a current total of 105.
The Fathers of Confederation were perhaps predisposed to the idea of an appointed upper chamber due to the experience of many of the provinces. Most of the British North American provinces had established appointed legislative councils to complement the work of their elected assemblies, with the exception of Prince Edward Island whose legislative council was elected.1 The Province of Canada, created when Upper and Lower Canada (later to become Ontario and Quebec) united in 1840, had an appointed Legislative Council until 1856, when a bill was passed to gradually replace the Council with elected members. The experience of the Province of Canada with an elected Council had not been favourable for various reasons, including the disinclination of worthwhile candidates to run for election due to the considerable cost of seeking votes in very large, 19th century constituencies, as well as the practice of appointing councillors to the ministry, which purposely had served to diminish its role as a check on legislation. Furthermore, the Council was acquiring "ambitious members who sought to make an active political career and became in effect 'a second edition of the assembly'."2 The United States Senate, whose senators were appointed by state legislatures at the time of Canadian Confederation, only confirmed the notion that Canadian senators should be centrally appointed, as the Fathers of Confederation were of the opinion that it was the power struggle between the states and central government that had precipitated the American Civil War.
The concept of having an elected upper chamber was also unappealing to the Fathers, as it begged the obvious question of whose will would prevail if both Houses were composed of the chosen representatives of the voting public. "In their opinion [the Fathers of Confederation], both chambers would see themselves as popular assemblies capable of reflecting the will of the people -- a recipe for conflict and stalemate."3
Many provinces abolished their upper chambers within years of their entering the federation, although some lasted longer, such as Quebec's Legislative Council which remained in place until 1968. One of the main reasons for this abolition was that the original federal upper chamber had principally drawn upon the members of the provincial legislative councils for its appointments4, and another, the great expense to the provinces of maintaining second chambers.
Ultimately, the appointed federal chamber was charged with two important tasks by our constitutional authors: in the British tradition, its principal duty would be the revision and correction of legislation from the popular chamber, which would require "impartiality, expert training, patience and industry"5 in tandem with the representation of provinces, regions and minorities. Yet the Senate would go on to perform functions the Fathers of Confederation had not imagined.
 
2. The Constitutional Powers of the Upper Chamber
A full six out of the fourteen days the Fathers deliberated at the Quebec Conference in 1865 were devoted to discussing the Senate. In fact, Confederation would not have taken place at all if there had not been agreement on the Senate because, with the House of Commons membership based on representation by population, both Quebec and the Maritime provinces made it clear that they would not enter into the union without a Senate for fear that the populous Province of Ontario would take control. Beyond the need for increased representation for the smaller provinces, our constitutional authors did not want to leave all the power in the hands of the "popular element," but aimed for a Senate that would act as a check upon the House of Commons.6 Sir John Alexander Macdonald recognized that this could not be achieved unless the upper house were granted the power to oppose, amend or postpone legislation from the lower Chamber. Nevertheless, such extensive power would have to be used with care; Macdonald pointed out that the Senate "will never see itself in opposition against the deliberate and understood wishes of the people7." George Brown, an Upper Canadian Liberal and later a senator himself, added that the Senate would have to refrain from vetoing money bills.8
Patterned after the British House of Lords, section 53 of the Constitution Act denied Canada's Senate the power to introduce bills "for appropriating any part of the public revenue, or for imposing any tax or impost." This section has been subject to varied interpretation through the years, ranging from George Brown's simple observation in 1865 that the Senate should not veto money bills, to the all-inclusive interpretation that the Senate should not amend or delay such legislation in any way (generally espoused by the House of Commons), to the view that the Senate has the power to do all save introduce financial legislation or amend it in a way that would cause an increase in tax or appropriation.
Controversy about the Senate's powers with regard to money bills seems to lie in the fact that, by 1867, the House of Lords had reluctantly resigned its power to amend money bills coming up from the Commons. In search of clarification, the Senate referred the question on its power with regard to financial legislation to a special committee chaired by Senator W.B. Ross in 1917. Commonly known as "the Ross Report," the committee's conclusion was that the preamble to the Constitution Act, which stated that Canada's Constitution was to be "similar in principle to that of the United Kingdom," did not override the language of section 53, which only prevented the Senate from introducing appropriation and taxation bills. The Ross Report was adopted unanimously by the Senate on May 22, 1918.9
When establishing the provisions for the upper chamber, the Fathers of the Canadian federation did not provide a mechanism to break a deadlock between the two Houses, as they believed the governments would be short-lived and that such a mechanism would not be necessary, nor did they want the governments of the day to follow the British practice of swamping the Senate with extra members simply to "carry out their own schemes.10" The British, based on their experience, advised our constitutional fathers to create a deadlock mechanism, however small, which they did. Similar to the swamping principle in the House of Lords but on a far lesser scale, the Constitution Act contained in sections 26 to 28 provision for the appointment of one or two extra senators from each of the three (later four) regions. Under section 26, the maximum number of senators could be increased by three or six senators (later four or eight) as required to break a deadlock. Although at least two Prime Ministers considered invoking section 26 as far back as Prime Minister Mackenzie in 1873, the appointment of senators over and above the usual 104 was not used until 1990 when Prime Minister Mulroney appointed eight additional senators to pass the Goods and Services Tax. This is not to say that use of this measure to ensure passage of controversial legislation was not considered before the GST was introduced, but rather that invoking section 26 would not likely have produced the desired results, because the Opposition majority was too large to be overturned by eight additional government supporters.
In addition to its power to initiate all but financial legislation as well as that of absolute veto, the Senate was dealt a strong hand in 1867 on how Canada's Constitution would be altered in the future, since its concurrence would be required to make any constitutional amendments. The Senate exercised its right to refuse on only two occasions: in 1936 when it failed to pass an amendment to the Constitution that would have widened the provinces' rights to tax, and again in 1960 when it changed a constitutional amendment by freeing district and county court judges from an age 75 retirement requirement, leaving the age limit to apply to superior court judges only. The House of Commons concurred11. The requirement of the Senate's concurrence for constitutional amendment was revoked with the patriation of the Canadian Constitution in 1982, although the Senate maintains a 180 day suspensive veto on such amendment.
In being able to amend, postpone and veto legislation, the Senate was constitutionally granted the power needed to make it effective. Yet, due to its appointed nature and in the shadow of public criticism, the Senate has often refrained from exercising this power.
 
3. The Practical Powers of the Upper Chamber

Wednesday, January 4, 2017

Opinion: Canada's Senate enters 2017 embracing a new openness


Opinion: Canada's Senate enters 2017 embracing a new openness
 
The Senate of Canada is now arguably the most social-media-friendly legislative assembly in the world, Senator Leo Housakos writes. Adrian Wyld / THE CANADIAN PRESS

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In order to know where the Senate is going in 2017, one need only look where we went in 2016.

As members of Canada’s “House of Sober Second Thought,” we’ve faced our challenges. We’ve heard Canadians. And we have continued to make changes to better meet Canadians’ expectations.
Canadians work hard to provide for their families. They pay taxes with the expectation that their money will be used respectfully and prudently.

That’s why we’re ensuring transparency and accessibility go hand in hand with good governance.

As chair of both the Senate Committee on Internal Economy, Budgets and Administration and the Senate Subcommittee on Communications, I am proud of the steps my colleagues and I are taking to ensure greater accountability to and dialogue with Canadians.


It starts with complete openness.

Did you know Canadians can now attend the meetings of our Internal Economy Committee or listen in real time? Our committee then uploads audio and full transcripts from these meetings to our website as quickly as we can translate them into both official languages.

We took this unprecedented step of opening up our meetings so Canadians can see and hear not only how their tax dollars are being put to use, but also how and why those decisions are made.
Meanwhile, the House of Commons’s equivalent Board of Internal Economy is held in private and prefers to upload selective minutes of meetings after months of delay.

Furthermore, the Senate adopted a new method of disclosing information about each senator’s expenses. A more detailed breakdown of senators’ travel expenses and service contracts are available online. Senators’ attendance records are now also published online.

To match the increased spirit of transparency, we have built on our commitment to better communicate the work done in the Senate with Canadians.

The result has been a communications strategy that is truly reflective of the 21st century — including live-tweeting the progress of legislation during debates in the chamber and livestreaming news conferences and discussion panels.

The Senate shares content on Facebook. We post photos on Instagram. We publish content almost daily to SenCAPlus, our new digital magazine.

The Senate of Canada is now arguably the most social-media-friendly legislative assembly in the world.

These formal changes have helped us highlight the strong substance of the upper chamber.

And this substance is as critical as ever.

When debating Bill C-14, the government’s medical assistance in dying legislation, senators dove into the deep ethical dimensions of the legislation. Important amendments were made and accepted by the House of Commons, including barriers on beneficiaries’ ability to incite the assisted death of a loved one, requirements that palliative care be offered first and the creation of a timeline for independent study once legalized.

Much of our work takes place in Senate committees, which release regular substantive reports on issues that affect Canadians.
Recent reports have covered a variety of subjects, such as protecting intellectual property, reducing internal trade barriers and creating a pipeline strategy that balances economic growth, environmental protection and indigenous rights.

This is just the tip of the iceberg in terms of the serious work senators do to fill gaps left by the more populist lower chamber.
The upper chamber is an institution that forms part of the bedrock of our country, as the Fathers of Confederation so aptly stressed.

The Senate has always had a vital constitutional role to play in deliberating over House of Commons legislation, proposing its own legislation and in conducting in-depth, independent research on public issues.

Going into 2017, we’re confident that the Senate’s improved and improving openness will continue to a go a long way in helping Canadians see how essential and responsive our institution is.

Senator Leo Housakos served as Senate Speaker; he is the chair of the Senate Committee on Internal Economy, Budgets and Administration and the Subcommittee on Communications and he represents the division of Wellington in Quebec.

Tuesday, January 3, 2017

How the Senate changed in 2016 — and what it means for the government’s agenda for 2017

How the Senate changed in 2016 — and what it means for the government’s agenda for 2017


http://news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/canadian-politics/how-the-senate-changed-in-2016-and-what-it-means-for-the-governments-agenda-for-2017

A view of the Senate chamber.
Andrew Forget/Postmedia/FileA view of the Senate chamber.   
 

OTTAWA — 2016 was a transformative year for Canada’s Senate, and a revitalized upper chamber will likely exert even more influence on the federal government’s agenda in 2017.

Senators of all stripes, including the new contingent of independents the Liberal government has appointed, appear to be reinterpreting the chamber’s “sober second thought” mandate in a more activist light. Here’s what you need to know about the year Canadian senators just had, and what may lie ahead:

It’s independents’ day
Postmedia and Canadian Press files
Postmedia and Canadian Press filesSeven of the new senate appointees. Top row, from left to right: Raymonde Gagne, Justice Murray Sinclair, V. Peter Harder, and Frances Lankin. Bottom row, from left to right: Ratna Omidvar, Chantal Petitclerc, and Andre Pratte.

Stephen Harper left a lot of seats empty in the red chamber, and his successor Justin Trudeau has filled 28 of them via an independent advisory board. That process, especially for the 21 appointed this fall after an open application process, wasn’t without criticism, since many believed the appointees reflected small-l liberal values.


Still, public polling favours a less-partisan Senate, and independents now form the biggest group in the chamber. Most are now part of a formal Independent Senators Group, led by “facilitator” Sen. Elaine McCoy. They say they won’t vote together, unless it’s on Senate rules and logistics to help them operate in what’s always been a two-party system.

A new round of applications launched in December for six more vacancies anticipated next year: one in New Brunswick, two in Ontario and three in Nova Scotia. At least one average Joe who didn’t get appointed in the last round, an Ottawa hot dog vendor, said he’ll re-apply.
 
Meanwhile, senators continue to discuss how the chamber should work. The Independent Senators Group will hold meetings Feb. 2 and 3 to “define their vision of the Senate of the future,” according to a recent press release.

And in December, independent senators struck two important deals with the their Liberal and Conservative counterparts: one to increase the size of Senate committees so a proportionate number of independents would sit on them, and another to give independent senators an office budget for the first time ever.

 A Senate staffer confirmed the independent caucus will have a budget of $722,000 for 2017/18 — still less than the more-than-$1-million partisan caucuses get.

The Senate is reforming itself — or trying to

Adrian Wyld / The Canadian Press
Adrian Wyld / The Canadian PressJustin Trudeau has said he wants the Senate to be truly independent, not an appendage of the governing party.

Its communications branch has been overhauled and now produces infographics, live-tweets debates and gets Senators to sing carpool karaoke.

Starting last fall, the Senate started requiring proactive disclosure from all senators’ offices, including detailed financial information — one way they’re trying to exorcise ;the ghosts of expense scandals past.

And in October, a first report from the Senate’s modernization committee suggested a swath of changes that could further upset the status quo, including the overhaul of Senate spending rules, formalizing the election of a speaker (rather than appointment by prime minister), mandating the appearance of government ministers to answer questions, and televising Senate proceeedings.


The debate over logistics is also far from over. While Peter Harder, the government’s representative in the Senate, has said the chamber will no longer be home to the government-versus-opposition Westminster model, senators from both parties are defending the need for an organized group to poke holes in government legislation.

They’re changing government bills — and beating them to the punch

Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press
Adrian Wyld/The Canadian PressA Senate committee has said some government legislation must be split into smaller bills to be dealt with fairly.
 

The newly independent-minded Senate has exerted more influence over government bills than has been seen in recent memory.

During a debate over physician-assisted dying law in May and June, the Senate sent amendments back to the House of Commons that would have changed the bill to more closely align it with a Supreme Court decision (and therefore the constitution). The amendments were largely rejected, but it was a first major wake-up call for a Commons unused to pushback from senators.

Then the Senate finance committee spurred the government to amend its budget implementation bill, C-29, to preserve provincial consumer protection. It also voted to amend tax bill C-2 to shift more savings to people at the lower end of the middle tax bracket, though the Senate’s speaker ruled the amendment out of order (tax measures can’t originate from the Senate).

Most recently, the Senate aboriginal peoples committee sent a letter to Indigenous Affairs Minister Carolyn Bennett asking the government to get a court extension and fix its bill on gender discrimination in Indian Act registration, S-3 — which originated from the Senate.


Five bills are now making their way through the Senate and a bunch more are coming, including C-22, a controversial bill that would establish a parliamentary oversight committee for Canada’s security and intelligence agencies.

Meanwhile, the Senate’s still waiting to hear back on another one of the bills it amended. In June, the Senate changed C-7, the RCMP union bill, to remove exemptions from what can be brought up in collective bargaining. But the House of Commons still hasn’t come back with a decision on whether to accept or reject that amendment. Watch for a conclusion early in 2017, when Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale is expected to revisit the file.

Email: mdsmith@postmedia.com | Twitter: mariedanielles

Wednesday, December 21, 2016

Is PMO Directing Destruction of Opposition in Parliamentary Chamber?




Conservative senator accuses Trudeau of trying to 'destroy' opposition in the Senate
In apparent breach of Senate rules, Denise Batters films partisan video inside upper chamber

By Chris Rands, CBC News Posted: Dec 21, 2016 6:06 PM ET Last Updated: Dec 21, 2016 8:56 PM ET

Conservative Denise Batters posted a YouTube video Dec. 21, 2016, accusing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of trying to eliminate opposition in the Senate.

Conservative Denise Batters posted a YouTube video Dec. 21, 2016, accusing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of trying to eliminate opposition in the Senate.



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In a video posted to YouTube Tuesday that may violate Senate rules, Conservative Senator Denise Batters accuses Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's office of trying to eliminate opposition in the upper chamber.

In her 65-second video, Batters refers to Trudeau's controversial past comments about communist China and Cuba's late dictator, Fidel Castro.

"We know that Prime Minister Trudeau is a fan of communist China's efficiency, and that he called Cuban dictator Fidel Castro, a Trudeau family friend, a 'remarkable leader,'"Batters says.

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"Opposition in the Senate might be inconvenient for the Trudeau government, but we have a critical role to play in protecting Canadian democracy: to hold the government accountable and to voice minority and regional views not represented in the majority Liberal government in the House of Commons."

Standing on the opposition side of the Senate chamber and speaking directly into the camera, Batters says she is concerned that Senator Peter Harder, the government's representative in the Senate, wants to do away with an organized official opposition, as she gestures to the empty chairs behind her.

"This is Canada, a free, democratic country. We must not allow the Trudeau government to destroy the opposition in a democratic chamber of Parliament, emptying these opposition benches forever."

Harder's office said he had no comment on the video.

Batters, who was picked by Stephen Harper to represent Saskatchewan in the Senate, is known as a strong defender of her party.
The Conservative opposition in the Senate have viewed Trudeau's appointments of Independent senators with great suspicion.
The Conservatives have sparred with the Independents over membership in Senate committees, which are the prime vehicle for examining legislation.

Cameras rarely allowed in the Senate

Filming in the Senate is strictly controlled by the Speaker, and the red chamber remains off-limits to all cameras while in session. Debates can only be heard on an audio webcast.

When asked about filming a partisan message inside the Senate chamber, Batters said in a statement, "The Senate is a partisan, political institution. I have previously made exactly these same comments during debate and in question period in the Senate chamber.

"I followed the appropriate approval process for senators to use the Senate chamber, and I chose that locale to illustrate the visual of a Senate chamber with no opposition."

Senate Speaker George Furey's office said in a statement, "Senator Batters had requested the use of the Senate chamber for the purposes of recording a video on a different topic. In general, the Senate chamber is not used for the filming of partisan videos when the Senate is not in session."

In response to that statement, a spokeswoman for Batters said that while arranging for the video to be shot in the chamber "no one asked the topic of Senator Batters' video, nor was the information offered."

The Senate is expected to open the red chamber to television cameras when it moves in the coming months to a temporary location to allow for decade-long renovations to Centre Block. The temporary location in Ottawa's former train station is being designed to allow for live broadcasting of the Senate's proceedings.
Senate Opposition Leader Claude Carignan was not available to comment.